In brief: On Nov. 2, Russian glide bombs destroyed a fortified underground school in Komyshuvakha, Zaporizhzhia, while residents collected humanitarian aid, killing at least 55. Extra concrete and seven meters of depth were not enough. Building underground remains necessary, but it offers no guarantee of safety. This was a deliberate war crime, and its details belong at the center of any talks with Moscow – not buried in court databases.
The destruction of a subterranean school in Komyshuvakha, Zaporizhzhia region, on Nov. 2, proved that putting businesses and educational institutions underground does not guarantee the safe continuation of trade or learning.
This stark truth, however, will not halt the trend driving Ukrainian life underground. There are simply no other options to mitigate the risks posed by Russian shelling and aerial bombardment.
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Komyshuvakha lies within 30 kilometers of the front line, placing it well within the reach of conventional artillery, as well as glide bombs, missiles, and drones. On the morning of Nov. 2, residents had gathered at the town’s newly constructed underground school to receive humanitarian aid.
The very act of building the underground facility – fortified with a thick layer of concrete – along with the accompanying public relations campaign, had instilled a sense of security among the local population. In family debates over whether to evacuate further from the front line, the availability of the underground facility likely served as a key argument for staying put. That argument has now lost its validity, as least, as far as areas nearer to the front line are concerned.
As humanitarian aid was being distributed in the underground school, the facility was struck by several three-ton guided aerial bombs. Among those killed were local government officials overseeing the distribution – four police officers, and two emergency responders who had arrived following the initial blast. As I write, the death toll has reached 55 with many people still missing.
Bread and other food supplies were distributed inside this school daily between 10:00 and 11:00 a.m. The Russian military was well aware of this, having observed – via their drones – the daily delivery of provisions to the school, and the comings and goings of civilian beneficiaries
The leadership of the Zaporizhzhia region had taken pride in their decision to make their underground schools safer than those in neighboring regions, opting to add an extra 20–40 centimeters of concrete to the protective overhead layer.
The attack on Komyshuvakha showed that, when it comes to multiple three-ton bombs striking the exact same spot, a layer of 20-40 cm of concrete makes no difference. Given that Russia has been deliberately employing bombs designed to destroy reinforced concrete, military fortifications and bunkers, how thick would the concrete need to be?
Authorities in frontline regions will also have to reconsider the depth at which they build. The school in Komyshuvakha was constructed seven meters underground. Should it have been deeper?
In any case, this date – Nov. 2, 2026 – the day Russian forces, for the first time, completely destroyed a state-of-the-art, fortified underground school – will influence the future of underground construction and places a question mark above the other 250 underground schools built since 2022 and another hundred which are currently under construction.
Nonetheless, building underground remains a necessary part of Ukraine’s security portfolio. It is simply important to understand that subterranean buildings do not provide a guarantee of safety – neither for the children who study there, nor for the adults who might use them as bomb shelters or, as was the case on the morning of 2nd November, as a venue for the distribution of humanitarian aid.
The destruction of the underground school in Komyshuvakha was achieved by repeated strikes against the roof – a demonstrative act of intimidation by Russia against residents of frontline areas whose lives, because of Russian aggression, often teeter on the brink of collapse.
Most significantly, this attack is yet another heinous war crime, the details of which must be moved center stage in any discussions with the Moscow leadership.
The number and dimensions of their crimes must not be confined to the databases of International Law courts. They must be held up to the light and recited every time a Russian commentator, soldier or politician opens their mouths to speak.
Otherwise, we are allowing their sniggering at international law to drown out their victims’ cries of anguish.
The views expressed in this opinion article are the author’s and not necessarily those of Kyiv Post.