Old News: After overthrow of monarchy, Iraq's revolution turns on its own

Old News is a new initiative by Amwaj.media to connect the past to the present. Through “reporting” on pivotal moments in history, we aim to provide a richer backdrop for current dynamics in the region.

 

The story: Barely a month after being appointed ambassador to West Germany, Iraqi former deputy premier Abdul Salam Arif has been arrested in Baghdad. The detention comes on the order of Prime Minister Abd Al-Karim Qasim after Arif reportedly returned home without authorization and refused to leave the country. He now faces charges of plotting against the state.

The arrest has raised eyebrows as Arif and Qasim earlier this year jointly led a coup to overthrow Hashemite King Faisal II. Tension between them has been brewing amid rising personal rivalry and their differing stances on whether the new Republic of Iraq should join the United Arab Republic (UAR) led by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser.

The coverage: Baghdad Radio announced late on Nov. 4, 1958 that former deputy prime minister Arif has been arrested on charges of endangering state security.

• The ambassador, who holds the military rank of colonel, was arrested shortly after his arrival in the Iraqi capital. After being spotted at Baghdad’s airport by an army officer, Arif was escorted to Qasim’s office and detained on the orders of his old comrade after refusing to return to West Germany.
  
  
• Arif was named as ambassador to West Germany by Qasim at the end of September—a move many view as a polite form of political exile. There are claims that he never reported for duty in Bonn and has instead been spotted in Belgium.

The arrest comes on the back of days of civil unrest in Baghdad, where rival supporters of Prime Minister Qasim and his former deputy have taken to the streets.

• Pro-Arif demonstrations have been led by the Ba’ath Party, a pan-Arab movement founded in Syria in 1947 that is growing in popularity in Iraq.
  
  
• Supporters of the former deputy premier have been urging him to return home and work towards Iraq joining the UAR.

After Arif’s arrest, rallies in support of Qasim’s “moderate” nationalism have intensified. Clashes between the two factions have been reported, with police making multiple arrests.

• Many of Qasim’s supporters on the streets are members of communist groups, which the prime minister has increasingly come to rely on for shows of public support.
  
  
• Unlike the Ba’ath Party and Nasserists, communist groups largely oppose joining the UAR. This puts the Soviet Union—which has had varyingly hot and cool relations with Nasser—in an uneasy position. Moscow has avoided openly taking sides, though observers note an “independent Iraq as a counterweight to Nasser” is in the USSR’s best interests.

Reporting on the ground has proved difficult, making it hard to ascertain reactions to the brewing split within Iraq about the future direction of the country.

• Qasim’s government is reported to be heightening censorship, forbidding foreign oil companies from relaying information about the unrest to headquarters.

The context/analysis: On July 14, 1958, Colonel Arif and Brig. Gen. Qasim led a faction known as the Free Officers in a coup to overthrow King Faisal II and his pro-western government. After toppling the monarchy, Qasim became prime minister and appointed his fellow coup leader as his deputy.

The downfall of Iraq’s monarch follows long-brewing anger towards Hashemite rule and what some Iraqis see as outsized British influence.

• King Faisal II, Crown Prince Abd Al-llah and other members of the royal family were assassinated at the Al-Rihab Palace after surrendering to pro-Qasim forces.
  
  
• The downfall of the Kingdom of Iraq leaves Faisal II’s cousin, Hussein bin Talal Al-Hashimi of Jordan, as the last remaining Hashemite monarch.
  
  
• Faisal II’s prime minister until May 1958, the pro-western Nuri Al-Said, managed to evade pro-Qasim forces on the night of the coup but was assassinated the next day. Said was succeeded as premier by Ahmad Mukhtar Baban only two months before the coup.

Since seizing power, Arif and Qasim’s differing stances on whether to join the UAR have become increasingly difficult to reconcile. The prime minister is staunchly opposed to joining the Nasser-led project to unify Arab states.

• The new Iraqi provisional constitution notes that “Arabs and Kurds are considered partners in this homeland.” In this context, observers say Qasim opposes joining a pan-Arab state because it may alienate Kurds and other minorities in Iraq.
  
  
• Experts also note Qasim may be concerned that joining the UAR could compel Iraq to share its lucrative oil revenues with Egypt, which is producing far less crude.

Iraqi communist groups back Qasim and oppose a union with the UAR. This is believed to be supported by Moscow, which does not want Nasser’s influence to spread in the region.

• Last month, in Oct. 1958, Qasim permitted Kurdish leader Mullah Mustafa Barzani to return to Iraq after more than a decade of exile in the USSR. Observers say the move may be a signal that the new authorities in Baghdad are pursuing a different path than their pro-western predecessors.
  
  
• Qasim has, however, never formally or publicly declared association with any communist groups within Iraq or internationally.

In contrast, Arif and his Ba’athist supporters have been rallying in support of merging with the UAR since almost immediately after the coup.

• In July, Arif appeared at a rally in Damascus with Nasser. Of note, Syria co-founded the UAR along with Egypt in February this year. The Iraqi colonel then traveled on to Cairo with the Egyptian leader before touring Iraq to campaign in favor of the pan-Arab cause.
  
  
• Beyond their policy differences, some speculate that Arif’s outreach may have been viewed by Prime Minister Qasim as an attempt by his deputy to overshadow him. This comes as observers say personal rivalry between the two coup leaders has intensified since they overthrew the monarchy.

Tensions came to a head earlier this month, when Arif reportedly pointed a gun at Qasim during a heated argument over being stripped of his cabinet role and appointed as ambassador to West Germany.

• Qasim is said to have forgiven his former deputy for pulling the gun on him during the argument, saying to Arif, “My son, my child, my brother, it is for your sake that I do this so that you will not be influenced by those who want to mislead you.”

The future: The Ba’ath Party has existed in relative obscurity in Iraq since it first opened a chapter in Baghdad in 1952. However, the pan-Arab movement has recently been gaining traction, and Arif is said to maintain close ties with the leader of its Iraq chapter, Fuad Al-Rikabi.

• Observers fear the current clash between Qasim’s form of nationalism versus Arif’s pan-Arab ambitions may not be the last, and that the new authorities in Baghdad may take more decisive steps to curb Ba’athist influence and public visibility.
  
  
• On the other hand, public support for the Ba’ath Party signals that a significant part of Iraqi society is dissatisfied with the Qasim-led government.

Little is known about the judicial proceedings against Arif.

• The former deputy premier faces charges of endangering the security of the state. However, as the investigation is in the early stages, the charges may either be dropped or even expanded depending on Arif’s dynamic with Qasim.
  
  
• News of the detention has been accompanied by official broadcasts against “imperialist plots,” which many observers view as a thinly veiled reference to Arif’s alignment with Nasser’s pan-Arab project. Against this backdrop, informed sources say the former deputy premier’s arrest may be part of a wider crackdown on the Ba’ath Party.

As the dust from the downfall of the Hashemite monarchy is still settling, the foreign policy direction of Iraq remains unclear.

• The current administration in Baghdad appears unlikely to adopt the pro-western approach of its predecessor.
  
  
• At the same time, there are differences in the political elite about the extent of political non-alignment as various camps push for closer ties with the Soviet Union and the UAR respectively.