By Prof Bheki Mngomezulu
With the 2026 Local Government Election (LGE) now concluded, two things have become important for South Africa’s political future. The first one is to constitute municipal councils within the constitutionally stipulated fourteen days. Secondly, all political parties should do self-introspection in preparation for the 2029 general election and the 2031 LGE.
In doing so, party leaders should demonstrate political maturity and leadership dexterity.
With 131 hung councils nationally and a constantly increasing number of political parties and independent candidates, it is evident that South Africa has officially entered the coalition season.
The question becomes: are our politicians capacitated enough to navigate this teething era? This question is triggered by several factors.
Firstly, some political parties are fixated on their political dogma and refuse to read the country’s political mood correctly.
In this regard, they make reckless decisions that will benefit them in the short term but affect them negatively in future elections.
For example, the DA is on record saying that it will never form coalitions with political parties that do not share its ideology and policy perspectives.
In this regard, it mentions the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the uMkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP).
To buttress its decision, it cites the fact that these parties support land expropriation without compensation.
Ironically, the same DA is in coalition with the ANC, under whose leadership the process to amend Section 25 of the country’s constitution was initiated.
This amounts to a double standard and political dishonesty. It is the direct opposite of political maturity.
Secondly, most political parties and their leadership appear to be oblivious to the different types of coalition governments.
For example, they confuse a multiparty coalition government with a Government of National Unity (GNU).
The former is what South Africa has at the national level currently and in the KZN Legislature.
By contrast, an example of the latter is what governed South Africa following the 1994 first democratic election.
It aimed to unite the country.
The ANC won the election with an outright majority but still constituted a GNU.
Coalition types such as advocacy coalitions, in which parties support one another on an ad hoc basis without formalising their relationship and advocacy coalitions, which are issue-driven, could be ideal where there is a trust deficit among political parties.
Failure to understand these types leads to political parties putting more emphasis on majority or multi-party coalitions.
Others opt for minimal-winning or bare majority coalitions in which parties agree to participate on condition that they are guaranteed positions.
A better option could be confidence and supply agreements where political parties agree to support a bigger party without insisting on being given positions.
The following key questions arise. Do our politicians know these coalition types? Assuming that this is the case, do they honestly choose the best suitable coalition type to advance democracy, or do they decide on the coalition type to advance party interests? Importantly, do politicians demonstrate patriotism when engaging in coalition talks?
Depending on how these questions are answered, the country could either consolidate its democracy or weaken it.
Thirdly, as the number of hung councils increases, this calls for politicians to rethink their decision to abuse Section 19 of the Constitution by forming new political parties just because they can, not because they want to advance democracy. This raises questions about political maturity on the side of the country’s political leadership.
Another question arises: has political careerism replaced genuine politics in the country? If our politicians understand politics, why do they engage in questionable activities such as killing one another and abandoning the electorate by failing to deliver services once elected to office? If politicians continue doing this after each election, does that demonstrate their political maturity or lack thereof?
Fourthly, as some political parties fall out of favour (which contributes to these hung councils), they resort to making reckless statements that have the potential to divide the country along racial and ethnic lines. This does not show political maturity but the direct opposite thereof.
Fifthly, the results of the 2026 LGE test the extent to which our politicians are visionary leaders. Given that the number of hung councils has increased to this level in the 2026 LGE compared to the 2021, to what extent have our political leaders cast their eyes into the future to prepare for the 2029 general election and the 2031 LGE?
What remains a serious concern is the assassination of politicians by their political adversaries. Whenever this happens, it raises questions about the political maturity of the perpetrators.
Those who kill their political competitors demonstrate a lack of foresight and common sense. If a politician kills another politician, what makes the perpetrator think that the same will not happen to him or her once in office? Such an act is a clear demonstration of political immaturity and lack of foresight.
While the number of people who registered (29.2 million) was applauded and 52% voted in this election, it is still concerning that there are many people who registered but did not vote.
Among those who did not vote are those who raised concerns about the fact that they have been voting for different political parties but have not received the services they anticipated, nor have their lives improved. Are our politicians oblivious to these facts? Is it wise to ignore them?
Therefore, the 2026 LGE calls for political maturity, not political opportunism.
Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is a Professor of Political Science and Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy (CANRAD) at Nelson Mandela University. He writes in his personal capacity.