The story: In Iran, hardline factions opposed to diplomacy with the United States have intensified their attacks on the pro-reform government of President Masoud Pezeshkian and conservative Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf. This comes as protesters wearing white burial shrouds are turning on military commanders over what they see as an inadequate response to American attacks.

The backlash has also exposed divisions within hardline ranks, as prominent members of the camp distance themselves from the increasingly confrontational campaign.

The coverage: Women in white burial shrouds, linked to a group calling itself Tow'eh, have widened their protests against negotiations with the US to target senior military officials.

  • After earlier demonstrations outside government buildings and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in downtown Tehran, the protesters gathered by the headquarters of the Armed Forces General Staff and, more recently, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

  • At a Nov. 5 gathering outside the main compound of the IRGC in the Iranian capital, demonstrators accused the armed forces of failing to carry out Supreme Leader Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei's Oct. 31 instruction that any threat be met with an "immediate" and "effective" response "without geographic limits."

  • Chanting against the IRGC and the regular Army (Artesh), hardline protesters accused commanders of failing to defend the supreme leader. Their criticism comes amid a string of recent US strikes on Iranian air defenses.

Some hardline demonstrators have also targeted President Pezeshkian, Speaker Qalibaf, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and other figures associated with diplomatic efforts to end the war.

  • Placards and displays at pro-establishment gatherings have featured symbolic executions of former presidents Hassan Rouhani (2013–21) and Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005) as well as ex-foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif (2013-21).

This comes as several Iranian media outlets have in recent days openly criticized the protesters.

  • Reformist daily Etemad highlighted the protesters' widening of their targets to military commanders, while Rooz-e No daily asked whether other Iranians would be given the same freedom to voice their views on war, peace and negotiations.

  • Pro-reform daily Shargh quoted Rasool Montajabnia, leader of the Reformist Jomhuriyat Party, linking the protesters to currents close to prominent hardliner Saeed Jalili.

Notably, both hardline and conservative outlets have also joined the criticism.

  • Conservative Khorasan newspaper questioned who was feeding the women demonstrators "selective information" and directing their activities, and called on the judiciary to clarify the role of possible organizers and backers.

  • A column in moderate conservative Ettelaat went further, describing the protesters as a "noisy minority" exploiting national and revolutionary values to pursue political influence. The column called for a "change in approach" toward Tow’eh, warning that its activities had gone from an irritating spectacle to a disruption.

Criticism on Iranian social media has been just as sharp.

  • Hossein Soleimani, editor of hardline Mashregh News, accused the protesters of spreading a "virus of paranoia," suggesting they had come to believe that virtually everyone in the political establishment apart from the supreme leader had betrayed the country. Soleimani warned that the movement's organizers and ideological backers could face consequences for their actions.

  • A conservative commentator criticized the use of nightly gatherings in support of the Islamic Republic for factional score-settling, arguing that events meant to promote national unity were becoming platforms for internal division.

Jalili's appearances at the nightly rallies have meanwhile drawn attention among his supporters.

  • After the hardline politician shared a photograph of himself smiling in a crowd, one supporter sarcastically invited Qalibaf to take a similar picture.

  • Jalili's supporters and the wider hardline faction have intensified their criticism of the parliament speaker since he earlier this year emerged as a lead negotiator with the US during talks to end the war with Israel and the US.

Others have come to the defense of the Iranian officials under fire.

  • Foreign policy analyst Ehsan Taqaddosi countered that Qalibaf, Pezeshkian and other senior government officials face serious security constraints, unlike Jalili who can seemingly move freely between public gatherings.

The context/analysis: The Tow’eh demonstrations reflect an intensifying struggle over Iran's direction, and particularly how far diplomacy should be used to consolidate military gains and ease economic pressure.

  • Pezeshkian and Qalibaf have defended negotiations with the Donald Trump administration as a means of securing national interests, while their opponents portray engagement with Washington as an unacceptable compromise.

The radicalization of an already fringe movement also marks an unusual inversion of Iran's political dynamics.

  • Factions traditionally associated with defending the political establishment are increasingly casting themselves as its critics, questioning the loyalty and competence of elected officials and, now, military commanders.

  • The demands for harsher retaliation against US strikes and rejection of negotiations are not new. What stands out about the current protests is the willingness to challenge the institutions responsible for the country's foreign and security policies.

The backlash from conservative outlets is additionally revealing.

  • Ettelaat, Khorasan and Mashregh have not simply disagreed with the protesters' tactics. The outlets have openly questioned the political forces behind them.

  • The distancing of the outlets suggests that even within Iran’s conservative camp, there is concern that the confrontational approach could undermine the very establishment it claims to defend.

  • Yet this does not necessarily signal a broader conservative shift toward supporting negotiations.

The judiciary's announcement earlier this month that it had arrested an unnamed woman accused of trying to infiltrate and redirect the nightly gatherings is another sign of official concern.

  • The judiciary alleged that the detained woman had sought to steer slogans away from foreign adversaries and toward Iranian officials, and to organize gatherings outside designated times. It also alleged that the purported current behind her had foreign links.

  • The episode recalls warnings by Deputy Interior Minister Mohammad Bathaei, who confirmed in June that the authorities had cautioned individuals and groups protesting the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by Iran and the US.

  • The authorities' apparent concern is not simply the expression of opposition to diplomacy, but losing control over the messaging and direction of gatherings originally promoted as shows of national unity.

The future: Tensions are likely to persist as long as negotiations remain contentious and Iran faces continued military and economic pressure from Washington.

  • Whether Iranian authorities move beyond warnings and the Nov. 2 arrest to action against organizers of the hardliner demonstrations will be an important indicator of tolerance for increasingly assertive radical factions.

  • Any new US strikes could give hardline protesters fresh grounds to accuse Iranian military commanders of failing to act on the supreme leader's instruction, keeping the armed forces in their sights.

  • The response to the protests in Iran could also expose further divisions within conservative ranks over the limits of street mobilization and political dissent.